Fidel Castro
IINTRODUCTION Castro, Fidel (1926- ), Cuba's leader since 1959. Fidel
Castro claimed power in 1959 following the Cuban Revolution, an armed
revolt that overthrew the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. He became
prime minister of Cuba in 1961 and shortly thereafter cancelled elections
and suspended Cuba's constitution. Castro ruled without regard for the
1940 constitution until 1976, when the nation enacted a new constitution
that allowed limited electoral participation by Cuban voters. Cuba's
National Assembly elected Castro president of the country in 1976.
Castro transformed Cuba into a socialist nation, inaugurating wide-ranging
changes in the country's social and economic systems. He instituted
programs that dramatically increased the nation's literacy rate and
provided quality health care to almost all Cubans.
The socialist
nature of Castro's government sent many members of the elite and professional
classes into exile. Government seizures of properties and business holdings,
the suspension of elections, the militarization of society, control
of the media, and the politicization of education convinced conservatives
and moderates to seek exile in Spain, Mexico, France, and, primarily,
in the United States.
During the 1960s through the 1980s, Castro allied himself with the communist
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR); in addition, he supported
revolutions of national liberation in Latin America, Africa, and Asia
and became a leader among heads of state in nations that had recently
won their freedom from colonial powers. Castro and his socialist government
faced strong opposition from the United States, which formerly had been
Cuba's ally and main trading partner. United States businesses with
holdings in Cuba opposed Castro's seizure of their property and many
U.S. politicians saw Castro's socialist policies and alliance with the
USSR as a threat to the security of the United States.
IICHILDHOOD AND EDUCATION Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz was born on a sizable
estate near Birán in Oriente Province. He was the third of seven
children born to Angel Castro y Argiz, a Spanish immigrant, and Lina
Ruz González, a household servant who later married Angel. Angel
Castro was a self-made man whose fortune came from laying track for
the sugar railway and transporting cane in oxcarts. He transported cane
by oxcart from sugar fields to nearby processing mills, where it was
converted into refined sugar. The railroad tracks he helped construct
connected the sugar refineries to other rail lines in Cuba. Angel valued
hard work and insisted that his sons demonstrate thrift and persistence.
Castro's education began in the local public schools near the neighboring
town of Mayarí, where his classmates were the children of laborers.
Recognized for his scholastic talents, Castro was tutored and then enrolled
in Santiago de Cuba's La Salle School, which was run by French priests.
At school, Castro was unruly and a fighter. He challenged the authority
of the priests and vied for leadership among the students. Because of
this behavior, his father sent him to the Dolores Colegio, a Catholic
private school known for its tough discipline and high academic standards.
There Castro learned the value of discipline and authority. While attending
school in Santiago de Cubas, Castro witnessed U.S. soldiers' behavior
toward Cuban citizens, whom the Americans treated as inferiors, and
he developed a strong aversion to U.S. influence in Cuban politics.
In 1940 Castro enrolled in the prestigious Belen Secondary School in
Havana, where he competed with the children of Cuba's elite for academic
and social recognition. At Belen, Castro learned Cuban history and took
as his hero José Martí, the father of Cuban independence
from Spain. Castro also developed his athletic and oratory skills during
his time at Belen.
IIIEARLY POLITICAL CAREER In 1945 Castro entered the University of Havana
Law School, where he became involved in politics. At the university,
politics centered around student political gangs, and Castro took part
in the often violent confrontations among these gangs.
Castro's political ideals matured as he committed himself to overthrowing
President Ramón Grau San Martín, of the Auténtico
Party, who had allowed corruption to grow in business and politics.
Tired of university politics, Castro joined the Party of the Cuban People
(the Ortodoxo Party), founded by Eduardo (Eddy) Chibás. The Ortodoxos
publicly exposed government corruption and demanded reform. The party's
founding principles included building a strong sense of national identity
among Cubans, opposing the influence of powerful foreign nations in
Cuba's affairs, supporting social justice, establishing economic independence
for Cuba, and evenly distributing the nation's wealth through government
control of natural and economic resources.
Inspired by these values, Castro involved himself in three important
activities. First, in 1947 he joined the Caribbean Legion, a group of
political exiles from other Caribbean nations based in Cuba. With them,
he took part in a failed effort to overthrow Rafael Trujillo, the dictator
of the Dominican Republic, by launching an invasion from Cuba.
When the Dominican coup attempt failed, Castro returned to Cuba to focus
on his second crusade, the electoral defeat of the candidates of the
Auténtico Party. Campaign activities were punctuated with violence,
and amidst the furor, Castro's firebrand speeches and effective political
organization brought him early recognition, if not power, in the Ortodoxo
Party.
In April 1948 Castro undertook the third formative activity in his early
political career. He attended the Ninth Pan American Union conference,
a student conference held in Bogotá, Colombia. The conference
was organized by Argentine president Juan Perón to protest U.S.
domination of the western hemisphere. Upon arriving in Bogotá,
Castro and a friend, Rafael del Pino, disrupted the conference by showering
astonished delegates with pamphlets condemning U.S. influence in Latin
America. A few days later, Alfredo Gaitán, leader of the Colombian
Liberal Party, and a man from whom the student rebels took council,
was assassinated. The news of Gaitán's death rocked Bogotá,
and outraged students rioted in the streets.
Castro was later blamed for instigating the uprising, known as the Bogotazo,
but he was little more than a spectator. His pamphleteering of the Pan
American Union meeting has been cited as evidence that he was a Communist
at that time. In truth, the Bogotazo proved a turning point in the development
of Castro's political thought. Because Gaitán's commitment to
reforming the political system through democratic means resulted in
his death, Castro concluded that making changes through the electoral
process could not succeed.
When Castro returned to Cuba, he threw himself into the presidential
campaign of 1948, which pitted Carlos Prio Socarrás, a seasoned
politician and member of the Auténtico Party, against Eddy Chibás,
the leader of the Party of the Cuban People (called the Ortodoxo Party).
Castro was cynical about Cuban electoral politics. He believed that
elections were often rigged and that the United States controlled Cuban
politicians, regardless of whether they were elected officials or dictators.
As a result, Castro formed a radical branch of the Ortodoxo Party called
the Radical Action Orthodox wing. This organization supported Chibás
in the 1948 election. Prio Socarrás won the election, despite
Castro's efforts.
After Chibás committed suicide in 1951, Castro believed he should
become the leader of the Ortodoxo Party and ran for a seat in the Cuban
House of Representatives in the 1952 election. Before that election
could occur, however, General Fulgencio Batista staged a bloodless coup
d'etat and established a dictatorship that ended Castro's chance to
attain office legally. Castro's cynicism hardened into rejection of
electoral democracy, and he declared himself in favor of armed revolution.
IVREBEL LEADER As dissatisfaction with Batista's coup spread, Castro
formed one of several underground organizations that plotted to overthrow
Batista. Among the anti-Batista groups contributing to political destabilization
were the Auténtico Party's radical wing; Civic Resistance, a
coalition of urban resistance groups that carried out acts of sabotage
in the cities; and the National Revolutionary Movement, an anticommunist
group that formed within the military. To stop the wave of popular rebellion,
President Fulgencio Batista placed the armed forces on alert and dispatched
secret police and informants to identify, torture, and kill organized
dissidents.
On July 26, 1953, Castro and his supporters attacked Cuba's second largest
military base-the Moncada Barracks in Santiago de Cuba. Castro, his
brother Raúl, and approximately 150 revolutionaries plotted to
overrun the base, which was manned by 1000 trained soldiers. The rebels
planned to seize the radio station at the base and announce the beginning
of a guerrilla movement. They also intended to take weapons from the
fort to use in their military campaign. Their mission failed badly.
Over half of Castro's band was captured, tortured, or killed. The martyrdom
of the youthful revolutionaries had the unexpected effect of drawing
attention to their heroism and generating sympathy for their cause.
Castro's guerrilla movement would be called the 26th of July Movement
after the date of the assault on the barracks.
Castro and other conspirators survived the attack, but were captured.
The prisoners went on trial from August to October of 1953 for conspiracy
to overthrow the Cuban government. At his trial Castro countered the
charge by attacking Batista's illegitimate coup in what has become known
as his "History Will Absolve Me" speech. He accused Batista
of violating the democratic 1940 Constitution, of using terror and torture
to suppress popular will, and of rejecting universal human rights guarantees.
Castro declared that the young rebels stood for a return to democracy
as established in the suspended 1940 Constitution, agrarian reform,
the recovery of resources stolen by government officials and their friends,
educational reform, profit sharing with laborers, and public housing
provisions.
The court's verdict was a foregone conclusion. Castro was found guilty
of conspiring to overthrow the Batista government and was sentenced
to 15 years in prison. Castro served less than two years of his sentence.
Prison afforded him time to read political philosophy, classical literature,
history, and military strategy. His time in jail strengthened his will
to change Cuba and shaped his ideas about the means of resistance.
In the 1954 national election, Batista ran unopposed because all major
parties withdrew their candidates to protest his regime. While Castro
was in jail, new militant operations formed: the Revolutionary Directory,
composed of university students, and the Second National Front of Escambray,
composed of militant rural laborers. Both groups engaged in acts of
sabotage, which Batista met with increasing violence. By 1955 Batista
felt confident enough of his hold on power to grant a general amnesty
for all political prisoners, including Castro.
In May 1955 Castro left prison. He soon departed for Mexico, where he
trained and indoctrinated recruits in the ideals of social revolution.
Ernesto "Che" Guevara, an Argentine Marxist, joined Castro's
guerrilla band and added his ideals of an armed struggle based on the
support of rural peasants to the movement's ideological mix. After a
year of preparation, Castro decided to take his guerrilla squadron to
Cuba to begin a military campaign against Batista. On November 24, 1956,
Castro and 81 other men boarded the ship Granma and set sail for the
southeastern coast of Cuba. Their plan was to form a revolutionary force
in the Sierra Maestra, and to encourage a popular revolt. Batista's
army met them at their landing at Playa Girón (the Bay of Pigs),
and only around a dozen men, including Castro, escaped arrest, torture,
or prison.
In the Sierra Maestra, Castro established his military and political
leadership. His tactics consisted of attacking small military units
in order to capture weapons, gain territory, and impress the people
with the strength of his revolutionary group. The rebels lived among
Cuba's rural peasantry who supported them with food, information, and
sometimes shelter. Castro thus learned of the difficulties they faced.
He promised that if he were successful, he would redistribute land to
those who worked it, as well as provide free education and decent health
care. While fighting in the mountains, the 26th of July Movement was
bombed by U.S. planes. Castro's troops escaped unharmed, but the peasants
suffered serious casualties. Castro's resolve to confront U.S. influence
in Cuba hardened, and he pledged himself to support others around the
world who were opposed to U.S. influence in their internal affairs.
During this time, Castro was only one of many leaders of the anti-Batista
movement, and he was forced to compromise with other rebel leaders.
However, he had one advantage-he had developed a clear ideological position,
while other groups focused only on removing Batista.
By mid-1958 Batista's government had lost most of its support in Cuba
and abroad. The United States stopped the shipments of arms to the Cuban
military, and Castro's troops fanned out over the island. When guerilla
units led by the 26th of July Movement's Camilo Cienfuegos attacked
the city of Santa Clara in December 1958, Cuban forces crumbled. On
January 1, 1959, Batista fled to the Dominican Republic, leaving Cuba
without a leader or a consensus on governing principles.
VNATIONAL LEADER Castro stepped into this vacuum, claiming total authority
for himself and his movement. His political ideals set out in his "History
Will Absolve Me" speech, and his dominant personal charisma overpowered
other rebel groups. His rhetoric and youth promised a break with the
corrupt past. Millions of Cubans pledged themselves to a revolutionary
process without knowing what exactly that process entailed.
ADomestic Policy Castro did not assume the office of president at first,
but instead became the head of the Cuban Armed Forces. Yet he brought
before the politically moderate cabinet sweeping reforms. During Castro's
first nine months in office, approximately 1500 decrees, laws, and edicts
were passed, some of which appropriated business interests and private
properties owned by U.S. citizens and corporations. Among the most important
acts were the Agrarian Reform Law and the Urban Reform Law, both passed
in 1959. These laws broke up large property holdings and redistributed
them to the poor. Castro became prime minister in February 1959, following
the resignation of Prime Minister Miró Cardona. At this point
moderate cabinet ministers and officials began leaving the government.
In May 1961 Castro canceled promised elections and declared the Constitution
of 1940 outdated. In December he announced that Cuba would become a
socialist nation.
Transforming Cuba into a socialist nation required a reorientation of
values. To address this need, Castro and Che Guevara developed the New
Man theory, which called for the development of a new type of citizen
who would regard work not as a means of personal enrichment, but as
a commitment to social change. This theory held that Cubans would no
longer work for personal profit, but for the good of all people. Income
and benefits, such as education and medical services, were to be evenly
distributed. Under the new political structure, government agencies
represented people, and political parties were dissolved. The state
controlled the press, and neighborhood watch groups checked for ideological
purity. People advanced at work and in government according to their
loyalty to Castro. Castro and Guevara also drew up a plan to export
revolution around the world.
Although Castro advanced his political agenda, his economic plans failed.
He wanted to diversify the economy, which had been heavily dependent
on agricultural production. Castro devoted the first four years of the
revolution to promoting the growth of Cuban industry that produced previously
imported goods. However, Cuban products were impractical and of poor
quality. At the same time, traditional agricultural production declined,
and sugar output, upon which the economy depended, fell nearly 50 percent.
In 1965 Castro reversed the economic plan and focused the economy again
on agricultural production and the export of a few primary products.
The focus on sugar production took on monumental proportions in 1969
and 1970, when Castro announced the goal of a 10-million ton sugar harvest.
Like the earlier industrial plan, the sugar harvest of 1970 failed to
reach its target, drawing in only 8.5 million tons. This failure cost
Cuba's ally, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), billions
of dollars in financial aid. After 1970 the Soviets required Cuba to
develop five-year and ten-year economic plans and to introduce a professional
bureaucracy. The influx of Soviet financial aid helped the Cuba economy
to recover during the 1970s, but it also made Cuba economically dependent
on the USSR.
Although Castro had to agree to the USSR's demands for economic planning,
he insisted on charting his own course for political developments in
Cuba. He deviated from the centrally controlled Soviet model by allowing
some democratic participation in government through the Popular People's
Power movement inaugurated in 1976. This movement allowed voters to
elect candidates approved by the Communist Party to serve in local government
posts. These local party members in turn elected representatives to
provincial and national assemblies, which would supervise government
activities at the regional and national levels. Also in 1976, the newly
elected National Assembly of People's Power created the president of
the State Council, which combined the functions of head of government,
head of state, and commander of the armed forces. The assembly elected
Castro to fill the post.
From 1975 to 1985, Castro allowed small-scale and individual capitalist
enterprise by permitting private farmers to market their excess agricultural
produce. In 1986, however, he reversed himself and again prohibited
private sales, on the grounds that such capitalist policies disturbed
the even distribution of wealth. Individuals and government officials
who had profited too much from private trade were arrested and fined.
Policy reversals such as these sent ripples of discontent throughout
the island.
BForeign Policy Castro's opposition to U.S. influence in Cuba and other
parts of the world made conflict between the two nations inevitable.
In 1959 American business interests joined disaffected Cubans in sounding
the alarm that Castro was a Communist. Whether Castro was a Marxist-Leninist
at this time or before is hard to know, but he did associate with the
People's Socialist Party (PSP) because it offered support and a solid
political organization. The PSP also helped Castro establish links with
the USSR, which provided Cuba with a new international ally to counter
growing opposition from the United States. Tensions escalated between
the United States and Cuba as Castro began seizing U.S. businesses in
Cuba. In 1960 the United States placed a partial trade embargo on Cuba,
prohibiting the importation of all items except food and medical supplies.
The United
States also recalled its ambassador, broke formal relations, and began
arming and training Cuban exiles for an invasion of Cuba.
On April 17, 1961, approximately 1500 Cuban exiles landed at the Bay
of Pigs on the southern coast of Cuba. These exiles, who were backed
by the United States and trained by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency
(CIA), intended to raise a counterrevolution. The invasion failed, and
most Cubans rallied behind Castro. The Bay of Pigs invasion silenced
dissenting voices within the island and consolidated Castro's power.
It also removed any doubt about the socialist direction of Castro's
revolution.
In May 1961 Castro publicly rejected Cuba's 1940 Constitution and its
democratic tenets. In November 1961 he declared himself a Marxist-Leninist
and made Cuba a major participant in the Cold War struggle between the
United States and its allies and the group of nations led by the USSR.
Between 1959 and 1962, approximately 200,000 people who opposed Castro's
political leadership emigrated to the United States, Spain, and Mexico;
over 80 percent of this first wave of refugees were well-educated professionals
(see Cuban Americans).
Stunned by the defeat at the Bay of Pigs, the United States deployed
Operation Mongoose, an effort to destroy Castro from within Cuba and
through military invasion. Agents working for the U.S. government made
a number of unsuccessful attempts to assassinate or discredit Castro.
A U.S. invasion of Cuba never materialized, largely because of the Cuban
Missile Crisis of 1962. This crisis developed after Castro secretly
accepted Soviet intercontinental ballistic missiles with the capacity
to destroy most of the United States. The result was the Cuban Missile
Crisis, in which the U.S. and Soviet governments nearly went to war
over the deployment of nuclear warheads in Cuba. After three tense weeks
of negotiation, the superpowers agreed that the USSR would remove the
missiles, while the United States promised never to invade Cuba. Castro
was not consulted about the agreement, which infuriated him, but it
did free Cuba from the threat of U.S. military intervention. As a result,
Castro was able to develop the economic and social policies promised
by his revolution.
Castro chose international confrontation with the United States as his
defining international principle. Confident of Soviet support, Castro
allied himself with revolutionary groups throughout the world. In Africa
he sent aid and later soldiers to various nations, beginning with Ghana
in 1961, Algeria in 1962, and Angola in 1965. What began as small military
missions to support the socialist Popular Movement of Liberation in
Angola (MPLA) escalated into a full-fledged war that the rebels eventually
won. Winning the Angolan conflict resulted in the world's recognition
of Cuba as a significant international military power.
Castro also involved Cuba in revolution in the western hemisphere. In
1967, Che Guevara went to Bolivia to initiate another revolution, but
the Bolivian army captured and executed him within the year. In Nicaragua,
Castro committed as many as 5000 military advisors, medical technicians,
teachers, and agricultural experts to aid the victorious Sandinista
Liberation Front (FSLN) in 1979 (see Nicaraguan Revolution). It is significant
that Castro advised the Sandinistas not to follow his example of antagonizing
the United States, and he supported their policies of a mixed economy,
democratic government, and international nonalignment.
When insurrection
began in El Salvador in 1979, Castro advised the combatants that he
would have nothing to do with the struggle unless the militant factions
united under a single ideological front. When that was completed in
1981, Cuba and the USSR shipped some arms to El Salvador's Faribundo
Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), and Castro provided a
haven for revolutionary planners.
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s Castro saw himself as an important leader
of nations seeking independence from the domination of the world's wealthier
and more powerful nations. In 1980 he was the president of the Non-Aligned
Nations Association, and he made Cuba the focus of international youth
conferences.
CThe Post-Cold War Years In 1989 two events shook the island and threatened
Castro's control. General Ochoa Sánchez, a decorated hero of
the Bay of Pigs invasion and the mastermind behind Cuba's victory in
the Angolan civil war, was arrested, convicted, and executed for drug
smuggling. Some Cubans believed that Ochoa Sánchez' real crime
was his popularity, his ability to lead a military coup, and his rather
moderate criticism of Cuba's economic and political paralysis.
A far more important development was the collapse of the USSR, which
left Cuba without its major economic ally. With the United States still
enforcing a blockade on trade with Cuba, the loss of Soviet financial
aid and trade spelled certain economic collapse unless capitalist economic
reforms occurred. Castro declared a "Special Period in a Time of
Peace," which meant strict rationing, shortages, and required "voluntary"
labor. Castro told Cubans that he had no solution for the crisis, but
vowed that he would never surrender to American capitalism.
As the economic crisis deepened in 1992-1993, Castro reluctantly surrendered
by allowing foreign investments in specific economic sectors, such as
tourism, biotechnology, and telecommunications. While the economy appeared
to diversify, domestic economic scarcity led to an active black market,
through which international products, including American goods, flowed.
In 1993 the price of goods increased, and the Cuban peso, which in 1989
had been worth $1.18, fell in value to less than a penny. To stop spiraling
inflation, Castro allowed Cubans to use foreign currency-including U.S.
dollars-that could be exchanged on global markets. These decisions destroyed
the social and economic equality that the revolution had established.
Cubans with access to U.S. currency-obtained through jobs in the tourism
industry or gifts from relatives overseas-attained a higher standard
of living than other Cubans. Between 1989 and 1994 the economy declined
by 40 percent, and some Cubans set out for the United States in rafts,
preferring to risk their lives at sea rather than suffer economic misery.
A 1994 outburst in old Havana, the result of frustration, hunger, electrical
blackouts, poor transportation, and unemployment, was the only challenge
to Castro's hold on power. The old rebel met the crowd face-to-face
and convinced protestors to disband. He told them they could leave Cuba
if they wished, and tens of thousands accepted his offer.
Castro held tenaciously to power in the late 1990s. Ironically, his
best ally may have been U.S. laws sponsored by U.S. Senators Robert
Toricelli and Jesse Helms and U.S. Representative Dan Burton. These
laws were designed to discourage international trade with Cuba in hopes
of bringing down Castro's government. This pressure caused would-be
Cuban dissidents to stand behind a leader whose failures they found
less distasteful than the tactics of the United States. As a precaution,
however, Castro amassed rapid deployment troops intended to suppress
a popular revolt. Castro's age and health are the only indicators of
his departure from Cuba's highest office.
"I love power, and I am the revolution," said Castro in 1987.
The sentiment of that statement was echoed in Castro's unwillingness
to plan for his departure from office. Cuba's constitution provides
for an orderly transfer of power following Castro's death or resignation.
Whether Cubans will follow this procedure is questionable. Traditionally,
Cuba's leaders have attained office not through constitutional methods,
but by exercising personal power and influence. Castro discouraged others
from cultivating this kind of power, yet he trained no obvious contenders
for constitutional leadership among future generations of Cubans.
In January 1998, Pope John Paul II visited Cuba. His trip drew enthusiastic
crowds, even though Cuba is officially an atheistic nation. As the Pope
called for faith, tolerance, peace, and justice, people chanted "We
are not afraid" and "Liberty." Castro affirmed his commitment
to peace and justice, and mostly ignored demands for faith and tolerance.
His respect for the Pope and his humility at Mass prompted some to see
him as an aging man contemplating his mortality. Others, however, saw
him as a shrewd strategist who benefited from the Pope's condemnation
of the U.S. embargo as a violation of human rights.
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"If Brown (vs. Board
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